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ColBott 09-01-003 |
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The Bottom Billion Why the
Poorest Countries Are Failing and What Can Be Done About It Paul
Collier Oxford
University Press, 2008, 209 pp., ISBN
978-0-19-537388-7 |
Paul
Collier is Professor of Economics and Director of the Center for the Study of
African Economies at Oxford University, and former director of Development
Research at the World Bank. This book
is based on a great deal of research. According
to Collier the world consists of 5 billion well off or rapidly getting there
and 1 billion falling further behind. Since
1980 world poverty is falling for the first time in history. Most people are escaping poverty but a few
countries, caught in four distinct traps, are not only falling behind but
falling apart. Aid does not work well
in these places but there are things we can do. Change must come from the bottom and
primarily from within. But neglect
will pose a security nightmare for the world of our children. (Preface) [It was
easier for me to understand the problems than the recommendations because the
economics is a bit beyond my ken.
Therefore there are more notes on the situation than on Collier's
proposals. Dlm] Chapter 1. Falling Behind and Falling Apart: The
Bottom Billion The third
world has shrunk and the real challenge is the countries at the bottom. Aid is a development business by the big
aid agencies, who don't find it safe and productive to live and work in the
most difficult countries. And it is
development "buzz" generated by rock stars and celebrities with
simple messages, slogans, images, and anger, sometimes characterized as
"heart with no head." But at
the bottom the villains have the guns and the money and they usually
prevail. With hard work, thrift, and
intelligence a society can climb out of poverty unless it gets trapped. The four big traps are 1) conflict, 2) natural
resources, 3) being landlocked (with bad neighbors), and 4) bad
governance. (5) Seventy
percent of these one billion are in Africa.
Collier refers to the problem as Africa +. The + includes places like Haiti, Bolivia,
the Central Asian countries, Laos, Cambodia, Yemen, Burma, and North Korea.
(7) These countries are small. Life
expectancy is 50 years. Infant
mortality is 14% and long-term malnutrition is 36% (7-8) The
middle 4 billion have experienced rapid and accelerating growth. (8)
The bottom countries are poorer than they were in 1970. (9) China and
India, who were poorer than many of these countries, broke free in time to
penetrate global markets. (10) "To
my mind, development is about giving hope to ordinary people that their
children will live in a society that has caught up with the rest of the
world. Take that hope away and the
smart people will use their energies not to develop their society but to
escape from it--as have a million Cubans." (12) "Change
is going to have to come from within the societies of the bottom billion, but
our own policies could make these efforts more likely to succeed, and so more
likely to be undertaken." (12) Part 2 The Traps Chapter 2. The Conflict Trap 73% of
people in the bottom billion countries are in a civil war or have recently
been through one. (17) Civil war reduces income and low income
increases the risk of civil war. (19) Low income means poverty and low growth
means hopelessness and available young men.
When the economy is weak the state is weak and rebellion is
easier. Sometimes rebel movements get
finances from resource exporters in return for future deals. (21)
"Rebels
usually have something to complain about, and if they don't they make it
up. All too often the really
disadvantaged are in no position to rebel: they just suffer quietly."
(24) Little relationship has been
found between the risk of civil war and political repression or intergroup
hatreds or income inequality or colonial history. There is some relationship to particular
patterns of ethnic diversity.
(25) A civil
war doubles the risk of another civil war. "Civil war is development in
reverse." (27) "Both economic losses and disease are
highly persistent: they do not stop once the fighting stops." (28) Usually there is a further deterioration in
political rights. "A rebellion is
an extremely unreliable way of bringing about positive change."
(28) "The foot soldiers of
rebellion, often do not have much choice about joining the rebel
movement." (28) "Gradually
the composition of the rebel group will shift from idealists to opportunists
and sadists." (30) The kind of
people most likely to engage in political violence are the young, the
uneducated, and those without dependents. (30) 95% of
global production of hard drugs comes from conflict countries. Conflict provides territory outside
government control for illegal activities to operate. (31) Three
economic characteristics make a country prone to civil war: low income, slow
growth, and dependence upon primary commodity exports. (32) "Civil war leaves a legacy of
organized killing that is hard to live down.
Violence and extortion have proved profitable for the
perpetrators. Killing is the only way
they know to earn a living. And what
else to do with all those guns?"
(33) Chapter 3. The Natural Resource Trap Paradoxically,
the discovery of valuable natural resources in the context of poverty
constitutes a trap. It often results
in misuse of its opportunities in ways that make it fail to grow and results
in stagnation. Societies
at the bottom are frequently in resource-rich poverty. "The heart of the resource curse is
that resource rents [rents = excess of revenues over all costs] make
democracy malfunction." (42) "Oil and other surpluses from natural
resources are particularly unsuited to the pressures generated by electoral
competition." (43) In the
presence of large surpluses from natural resources autocracies produce much
more growth than do democracies. When
there is plenty of money, leaders tend to embezzle funds, spend on large, pet
projects and buy votes through contracts.
The corrupt win the elections. Resources
reduce the need to tax, undercut public scrutiny, erode checks and balances,
and leave electoral competition unconstrained where parties compete for votes
by patronage. (46) Alternatively
restraints raise the return on investment. (48) Autocracies
work with little ethnic diversity.
Diversity tends to narrow the support base of the autocrat and
requires greater income distribution to the autocrat's group. (49-50)
"Becoming reliant upon the bottom billion for natural resources
sounds to me like Middle East 2."
(52) Chapter 4. Landlocked with Bad Neighbors Geography
matters. Landlocked countries must
export to neighboring countries or through their infrastructures to the
coast. Uganda is poor and Switzerland
is rich because they are dependent upon their neighbors. All countries benefit from the growth of
their neighbors but resource-scarce landlocked countries must depend on their
neighbors for growth. This includes about 30% of Africa. Chapter 5. Bad Governance in a Small Country Terrible
governance and policies can destroy an economy with alarming speed. Note President Robert Mugabe. Governance matters, conditional upon
opportunities. Differences in
opportunities can make a big difference.
Countries who have done better since 1980 have generally exported
labor-intensive manufactures and services.
The government simply has to avoid doing harm. Exporters need an environment of moderate
taxation, macroeconomic stability, and a few transport facilities. Why is
bad governance sometimes so persistent?
Because some benefit. The
leaders of many of the poorest countries in the world are themselves among
the global superrich. They like it
that way. Many of them are simply
villains. But beyond villainy, there
is a shortage of people with the requisite knowledge, brave reformers get
overwhelmed by the resistance, and there is often not much popular enthusiasm
for reforms. Recent
failing states include Angola, the Central African Republic, Haiti, Liberia,
Sudan, the Solomon Islands, Somalia, and Zimbabwe. The Democratic Republic of the Congo is
borderline. (69) Turnarounds
are rare because reformers are often suppressed and in danger. Three
characteristics encourage a turnaround: larger populations, higher proportion
of people with a secondary education, and recent emergence from a civil war.
(70) Whether the state was a democracy
or granted political rights did not seem to matter. The impetus for change must come from the
heroes in the society. (71) The
probability for a turnaround in any given year is 1.6%, so they are likely to
stay as failing states for a long time.
Characteristics
likely to help outside interventions to work:
Interventions
less likely to work if
Part 3. An Interlude: Globalization to the Rescue? Chapter 6. On Missing the Boat: The Marginalization of
the Bottom Billion in the World Economy It is not
impossible, but difficult to escape from the black hole. Globalization is helping the developing
world grow faster than the developed countries, but it is causing the bottom
countries to fall further behind because of global trade (to others), the flow
of capital (out) and the migration of people (out). In the
past four years the average country of the bottom billion has at last started
to grow, but at a slower pace than the other developing countries. This means they will fall further behind. (95)
"Let me be clear: we
cannot rescue them. The societies of the bottom billion can
only be rescued from within." (96) Part 4. The Instruments Chapter 7. Aid to the Rescue "Aid
alone is really unlikely, in my view, to be able to address the problems of
the bottom billion, and it has become so highly politicized that its design
is often pretty dysfunctional."
(99) "Aid does tend to
speed up the growth process."
(100) "The statistical
evidence generally suggests that aid is subject to what is called 'diminishing
returns.' That is, as you keep on
increasing aid, you get less and less bang for the buck… When it reaches about 16 percent of GDP it
more or less ceases to be effective." (100) "The
world has already conducted a natural experiment in giving the countries of
the bottom billion a huge injection of budget support. It is called oil." (101) Nigeria, for example, has very little to
show for it. Well-intentioned support
for the desperately poor country of Chad is likely to end up largely financing
the army. About 40% of Africa's military spending is inadvertently financed
by aid. (103) The allocation of aid goes far too much to
the middle-income countries rather than the bottom. (104) Aid as
technical assistance can be of help in turning around failing states.
(115) When the opportunity for
turnaround arises, It requires a lot of technical aid to help implement
reform and then later, money for the government to spend. (116) While most such efforts will fail, a few
winners will make it overall worthwhile. (117) Chapter 8. Military Intervention Military
intervention has an important place.
Their own military is more often part of the problem than a substitute
for external forces. Besides expelling
a foreign army (as in Kuwait), there are three important roles:
"restoration of order, maintaining postconflict peace, and preventing
coups." (124) After success
in Kuwait we intervened in Somalia. The
dramatic reports of 18 deaths in 1993 resulted in our pullout. Armies cannot function at zero risk. After the U.S. pull out, by 1995, more than
300,000 people died. Since then we
have no estimates. After that we
didn't intervene in Rwanda in 1994 when another half million died. "So we should intervene, but not
necessarily everywhere." (128)
"It would be relatively easy to make coups history. We just need a credible military guarantee
of external intervention." (131) "The
militaries of the bottom billion are running an extortion racket and our aid
programs are the victim." (134) Chapter 9. Laws and Charters There are
strikingly cheap and include both our own laws and international norms. For one thing, western banks provide safe
haven for the criminals from the bottom.
Most conduct is guided by voluntary norms enforced by peer pressure
than by laws. An international charter
gives people something very concrete to demand. (143)
Chapter 10. Trade Policy for Reversing Marginalization "Trade
policy is unusually difficult for people to understand…." (159)
"Rich-country trade policy is part of the problem." "We waste our own money subsidizing
the production of crops that then close off opportunities for people who have
few alternatives." (159) "It
is stupid to provide aid with the objective of promoting development and then
adopt trade policies that impede that objective." (160) Part 5. The Struggle for the Bottom Billion Chapter 11. An Agenda for Action Brave
people in these societies struggle for change but the odds are against
them. Of the four instruments -- aid,
security, laws and charters, and trade -- we are using the first quite badly
and the others scarcely at all.
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